By Tuku-Neko Ogena Bese, PRINCE2 Agile, LEED AP BD+C, LEED AP O+M, MBA | DP National Executive Committee (NEC) Member | National Secretary for Workers, Entrepreneurs & Informal Sectors.
Email: tuku.neko.ob@gmail.com
As Uganda’s Grand Old Party, the Democratic Party (DP) witnesses a public divergence among its top leadership sparked by Vice President Hon. Mukasa Mbidde who recently endorsed Rt. Hon. Anita Annet Among for the Speaker of Parliament position in an interview on NBS TV, despite DP President General Hon. Norbert Mao being in the same race.
This move has sparked debate over party discipline, constitutional fidelity, political strategy and, ultimately, why Mbidde’s endorsement is a “pebble in the sea.”
Constitutional Duties vs. Public Endorsements
Article 8(e) of the DP Constitution requires that members “work hard, efficiently, honestly and obediently for the Party” while being guided by its principles. By publicly supporting a rival candidate, Hon. Mbidde has grossly deviated from his constitutional duty as a leader in the party. When Mbidde said there should have been an internal discussion about the race, article 27 of the DP constitution, however, empowers the President General as the party’s Chief Executive Officer (CEO) and Chief spokesperson, authorized to issue statements and act on behalf of the Party and to inform the National Executive Committee (NEC) in the next sitting. Article 28 further clarifies to the contrary that the Vice President (In this case Hon.Mbidde) operates in the absence or by delegation of the President.
Further to that, Parliamentary rule of procedure#5 prohibits campaigns for a Speaker by supporters, inclusive of video recordings hence these actions of TV endorsements by Hons. Mbidde, Akol, Mapenduzi, Engola, Tooro MP group,etc raises procedural concerns.Constitutional scholars, DP insiders and the massive online elite and ordinary citizens debate on whatsapp, twitter, facebook, etc. with outpouring goodwill argue to a large extent supporting that these provisions of CEO reinforce President Mao’s authority, making unilateral endorsements by the Vice President constitutionally and morally limited in impact considering the fact that the Hon. Anita Among has a dented image with corruption, sanctions, personal power surge at the expense of institutional power.
History Shapes Perception
This current episode doesn’t exist in isolation. It’s compounded by political history. Hon. Mao has historically supported Mr. Mbidde’s rise, from strategy and campaigning for him for Guild President of Makerere University, that he eventually won to backing his decade long-tenure representing Uganda in the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) where Hon.Mao again campaigned for him within the majority numbers of the NRM party and he won with the same strategy of dialogue/engagements despite the few MPs from DP in the house.
To the contrary, in 2021, Mr. Mbidde while campaigning for his MP seat on DP ticket in Masaka publicly supported presidential candidate from the National Unity Platform (NUP) against Hon.Mao in the same presidential race and he immediately turned around on TV, saying NUP president is an idiot who nearly got elected! He too, attacked the DP-NRM cooperation agreement in the Soroti National Council meeting with emotional overdose on TV without exhausting the internal party conflict mechanisms. Observers therefore view the current endorsement not as spontaneous principle, but as part of a recurring posture of personal bias and selective loyalty with gross deviation from internal consistency and constitutional fidelity. DP-NRM Cooperation Agreement and Parliamentary ArithmeticMr. Mbidde contends that the DP-National Resistance Movement (NRM) cooperation agreement would expire before the term of this parliament, yet section 7(e) of that agreement, states that, ’’The agreement evolves as the term of government progresses, opening up potential areas for continued cooperation’’.
Since the parliamentary term is ongoing, party strategists argue that the framework is still fully operational meaning Mbidde’s public dissent have limited strategic effect on the Hon. Mao’s Speaker bid. On numbers of DP members of Parliament being only 6, Mbidde argued that there is no chance for winning the speakership race, yet section 3(b) of the said agreement at hand states that cooperation shall reflect common goals between the two parties and represent areas where the policy and experience of the Democratic Party provides a positive contribution to the National Resistance Movement Government.
This means DP’s MAO has a high chance to be 12th Parliament’s Speaker with reciprocity. In 2016, when Mao won as LCV Chair, on DP ticket, he influenced for the election of an FDC Councilor Hon. Mapenduzi for Speaker yet there were more DPs, NRM members just because he saw good leadership skills which could benefit Gulu under his mentorship. In Kenya, Zambia, Rt.Hon.Wetangula, Rt.Hon.Butete Kashumba don’t have majority of their parties in the house but national interest, experience, balanced deployment brought sanity for the voting patterns in those Countries. If not, why not in Uganda?
Political Weight-Perception vs. Reality
While Mr. Mbidde claims significant weight/influence within DP, the party constitution ties ultimate decision-making and political weight to the President General with only delegated authority to the Vice President (if any) who is also a non-member of Parliament elect, having lost elections for MP in both 2026 and 2021 in Mubende and Masaka Districts respectively. Analysts note that electoral outcomes and internal party dynamics indicate his endorsement is unlikely to change the trajectory of the Speaker race. It’s noise, not leverage. It tends to be inconsequential, hence the adage that goes,’’ a great man is hard on himself, and a weak man is hard on others’’.
Conclusion
The divergence between DP’s Vice President and President General Mao illustrates familiar tension between bias personal judgement and constitutional fidelity coupled with internal party consistency. But political parties are not personality platforms; they are governed structures.
In this case, the odds appear firmly in favor of the President General Hon. Norbert Mao who also has supervisory role over the Vice President. Ultimately, if stripped of noise and theatre, Mbidde’s endorsement of Rt.Hon. Anita Among against Hon. Minister/PG Mao is expressly merely a pebble thrown in the vast sea making small ripples-not tsunami waves. Like Marcus Aurelius observed, “The impediment to action advances the action.”
If anything, this episode may reinforce the Democratic Party’s bigger picture of things for a united Uganda and internal order rather than weaken it.
